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Post-Soviet Issues

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"Post-Soviet Issues" is a leading Russian peer-reviewed scientific journal established in 2014 and released with a frequency of four issues per year (quarterly).

ISSN: 2313-8920 (Print), ISSN: 2587-8174 (Online)

It publishes original research articles and reviews focused on the political, economic, social and historical dynamics of the post-Soviet area, including the Caucasus, Central Asia, Eastern Europe and Russia. The journal provides a multidisciplinary platform for rigorous academic inquiry. The authors of the journal are experienced Russian researchers from prominent Russian universities, institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences, leading experts from the post-Soviet countries as well as from other states. It also accepts articles by postgraduate and doctoral students in Russian and English devoted to the analysis of various problems of the post-Soviet countries.

Since 2014 the journal has been implementing a strategy of internationalization and inclusion in international academic databases.

Key areas of the journal are: urgent international problems and history of interstate relations in the post-Soviet area, issues of regional security, political and economic interaction of the post-Soviet countries with the states of Asia, Europe, South America and the USA, cooperation within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), international educational interaction. The thematic focus of the journal is reflected in the names of the permanent sections: International Relations and Global Policy, Politics, Economy, History and Religion.

The journal is included in the List of the Russian reviewed academic journals in which the main scientific results of the theses for the bestowing of the academic degrees of doctors and candidates of sciences are to be published as recommended by the Supreme Attestation Commission (VAK) under the Ministry of Education and Science (came into force on July 18, 2019) in the following areas:

5.5.2. Political Institutions, Processes, Technologies (Political sciences)

5.5.4. International relations, Global and Regional studies (Political sciences)

5.2.5. World Economy (Economic sciences)

5.6.7. History of International Relations and Foreign Policy (Historical sciences)

Target audience of "Post-Soviet Issues": researchers who study the problems of the post-Soviet countries and also focus on the analysis of the policies that extra-regional states carry out in the region.

All submitted articles undergo a rigorous double (blind) peer-review process based on initial editorial screening and assessment by independent international experts. See the detailed peer-review policy.

Current issue

Vol 12, No 2 (2025)
View or download the full issue PDF (Russian)

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND GLOBAL POLICY

90-101 51
Abstract

The article considers the features of the US strategic course towards Russia in the context of aggravated relations. The relevance of the study is due to the large-scale manifestations of Russophobic tendencies that have become derivatives of the implementation of the American geostrategy, causing challenges and threats to the national security of the Russian Federation. The purpose of the article is to characterize the main trends of Russophobic manifestations in the strategic approaches of the United States during the first presidential term of D. Trump and the presidency of J. Biden. The following research sources have been used: the US National Security Strategy 2017; the US National Security Strategy 2022, the US National Defense Strategy 2022; official statements of the United States Department of State; media data. In the course of the research, the problem of the presence of Russophobic attitudes in Washington’s modern geostrategic approaches at the doctrinal and practical levels has been identified. The research methodology is based on the synthesis of geopolitical and systemic approaches in the context of the paradigm of neorealism, which predetermined the use of digital technologies for document analysis, discourse analysis and content analysis. As a result of the study, it was proved that the modern hybrid war and the large–scale manifestations of Russophobia caused by it appear to be the result of the planned actions of the collective West led by the United States, being an instrument of geopolitical deterrence of Russia, and in the future – its weakening and destruction. Examples of Russophobic rhetoric in the basic documents defining approaches in the field of foreign policy and national security of the United States have been outlined. The main challenges and threats to the national security of the Russian Federation, which have become derivatives of the  Russophobic course of the collective West, have been described.

102-113 54
Abstract

The article examines the role of artificial intelligence (AI) and big data in the context of digital international relations. It explores the historical stages of AI development, key technological directions such as machine learning and neural networks, and their impact on the  economy, politics, and society. Special attention is paid to the strategic importance of big data as a critical resource for AI advancement, its role in shaping digital sovereignty, and global technological competition. The author investigates contemporary challenges related to the ethical and legal aspects of AI, including regulation, security, and international cooperation. The national strategies of leading countries (USA, China, EU, Russia) in the field of AI are analyzed, focusing on their approaches to ensuring technological leadership and data protection. The article emphasizes the need for universal international norms to prevent the fragmentation of the digital landscape and guarantee equitable access to technologies. The study highlights the transformation of international relations under the influence of AI, where the technological race has become the new “Great Game” of the 21st century. In conclusion, recommendations are provided for establishing a balanced global AI governance system based on multilateralism, fairness, and the consideration of all nations’ interests.

114-125 58
Abstract

The article focuses on analyzing the European Union’s (EU) Digital Connectivity project for Central Asia as a mechanism of the “Global Gateway” initiative to counterbalance the influence of China and other geopolitical actors in the region. It examines the objectives and specific features of the EU’s strategy aimed at minimizing China’s influence by promoting its own digital standards and European values. The study employs a comprehensive approach, including an analysis of key EU documents, a comparative analysis of EU and Chinese projects in Central Asia, and an examination of geopolitical and economic factors affecting the implementation of digital projects. The analysis reveals that the EU’s digital connectivity project within the “Global Gateway” initiative focuses on the development of digital technologies, European standards, and regulatory reforms in Central Asia. At the same time, the proposed projects are designed to align with the EU’s sustainability priorities, as outlined in the Union’s key policy documents. Despite the stated goals of innovation and sustainability, EU projects face challenges related to slow implementation, limited resources, and contradictions between geopolitical interests and the values being promoted. Meanwhile, Chinese projects demonstrate faster implementation and larger scale, posing a challenge to the EU. The success of the EU’s digital engagement with Central Asia states will depend on its ability to integrate regional specificities, enhance coordination among member states, and offer competitive initiatives. Rapid digitalization remains a pressing task for Central Asian countries seeking to close the digital divide. However, without considering local interests and adopting a more pragmatic approach to project implementation, the EU risks losing influence in the region.

POLITICS

126-134 50
Abstract

The article analyzes political problems caused by the prospects of the political system of Ukraine in the context of global geopolitical transformations. The author examines the  geopolitical preconditions for the ukrainian crisis, characterizes the new geopolitical realities and  the “european factor”, and assesses the state and prospects of the ukrainian political system at the present stage. An important component of the new geopolitical realities was the proclamation of a course towards a peaceful settlement of the “ukrainian conflict” taking into account Russia’s interests, and the beginning of bilateral consultations in the Russia-USA format. Based on the interdisciplinary method of binary oppositions, the author notes that global geopolitical transformations have brought to the forefront with new urgency the dichotomy of “Russia and Europe,” which was conceptualized by N. Ya. Danilevsky back in the 19th century. Today, high-ranking officials of the European union are making unambiguous statements that a peaceful resolution of the crisis around Ukraine allegedly poses a threat to “european interests”. Against this background, the stagnation of the Ukrainian political system, in which nationalist ideologies reign supreme, is deepening. The author comes to the conclusion that this state of affairs is a  direct consequence of the preservation throughout all the years of the so-called “independence of  Ukraine” of the unitary administrative-territorial structure, the rigid imposition of the Western Ukrainian regional and mental identity on the residents of the other regions.

ECONOMY

135-150 73
Abstract

Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia are involved in the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The creation of the integration bloc was preceded by various documents that defined the approaches of individual countries in the post-Soviet area to interaction with their neighbors. The documents laid the foundation for subsequent interaction between the former Soviet republics. Having signed the treaty on the formation of the EAEU, each of the states adopted different documents – bilateral and multilateral agreements, which define their strategies of cooperation within the framework of the integration platform. It helped forming a common legal field for further rapprochement. Special attention is paid to the key documents that reflect the positions of the EAEU member states. Each of the EAEU countries has adopted a sufficient number of documents that highlight the policy of individual countries on the issue of integration. Such strategic papers also reveal the nature of cooperation between the countries of the post-Soviet area. The article analyses how Russia’s partners in the EAEU access the goals and objectives of integration in Eurasia. The paper also evaluates the prospects for their further cooperation among themselves and with other actors beyond the post-Soviet area. This is a separate group of states that directly or indirectly influence the Eurasian integration. The main attention is paid to the evolution of ideas and provisions in the documents of the EAEU members with regard to their position within the framework of the bloc, their analysis was carried out. 

HISTORY AND RELIGION

151-164 50
Abstract

The article analyzes the key features of Russia-China cooperation in the field of security within the context of the emerging polycentric world order. Amid growing international instability and the escalation of global threats, Russia-China cooperation is becoming increasingly significant as a key factor for ensuring regional and global stability and security. The study focuses on political mutual trust as the cornerstone of stability and examines multifaceted collaboration in areas such as economic, energy, food, and military security. However, Russia-China cooperation faces significant challenges, including international pressure driven by the hegemonic policies of certain Western countries, the deterioration of the global security environment, and economic asymmetries between the two countries. Additionally, diverging regional interests in Central Asia, East Asia, and South Asia may pose obstacles to joint efforts in addressing critical global and regional issues.



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