This paper is about branding goods and services and viewing China’s reference to OBOR, a new regional trade initiative, as the “accidental” branding of its efforts to institute an entirely new model of development in various places along the ancient Silk Road, as well as a number of places that fall under Chinese contemporary rise to dominance in Asia. President Xi’s use of the Silk Road was meant to generate nostalgia about a perceived favorable time in Chinese history, using it to encourage enthusiasm about China’s new efforts to “share or sell” its expertise and heavy industrial production, such as infrastructure, to developing areas. However, in a very short time Xi’s “One Belt, One Road” policy, referred to by its initials — OBOR, began to exhibit most if not all, the characteristics of a “Brand” name for goods and services.

OBOR elicited positive comments from national political leaders, all of whom were potential OBOR consumers. In short order, OBOR has attracted attention, interest, responses and offers of cooperation not only from Eurasian leaders but also from leaders in Africa, Europe, Asia and most recently in South America. Strengthening OBOR as a brand can help China to enhance the value of its OBOR-related goods and services internationally and eventually lead to China’s ultimate ascendance as a dominant World economic and political Power.

It is interesting to note that a new Silk Road initiative was considered by the US Department of State in 2011 in an attempt to promote integration in trade and economy between Afghanistan, Central Asia, Pakistan, and India, a North-South silk road “as a compliment to the East-West connection across Eurasia” (US State Department 2015). As noted by in a Council on Foreign Relations report by McBride (2015): «It remains to be seen if the United States and China will clash over their competing plans for developing resources in Central Asia’s Turkmenistan, creating infrastructure in Pakistan, or winning political influence with local governments throughout Asia». 

After establishment of the Soviet power the Arctic for seven decades had been in the focus of attention accomplishing the heroic, repressive, “educational”, economic, political and ideological functions. In 1930-1950 General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Communist Party I.V. Stalin created the first Soviet Arctic shield that included the economic and military strategic power, transport targeted to protection of entirety and security of the Soviet country. The Stalin’s large-scale project of Arctic development was made public in 1931 and was targeted to the enhanced protection of the polar waters by establishing the naval base on the Barents Sea. For implementation of this project the White Sea-Baltic canal was constructed. The Trust “Arktikugol” was established on the Spitsbergen Archipelago to supply coal to the Northern Navy Fleet. The sea expedition over the Northern Sea Route was also organized to prove the possibility of shipping along this route for one navigation season. Upon its successful completion the Chief Department “Sevmorput” was set up here. The epoch of airship construction was opened to explore the Arctic air expanses. Later on there were expeditions to the North Pole, deployment of army on the Chukotka Peninsula, new expeditions to high latitude terrains, construction of high-capacity icebreakers, aerodromes and military bases on the coast of the Arctic Ocean. Unfortunately, in the 1990s in the time of the Soviet Union breakup and perestroika many facilities of the Stalin’s Arctic Shield had been lost and ceased to exist.

The early 21st century witnessed the second energetic and goal-oriented breakthrough into the Arctic region and establishment of the second Arctic Shield or bastion based on the key principles of the Soviet Arctic Shield or, in other words, its upgrade in the new conditions of the polycentric world, which is justly connected with the name of Russian President Putin.

The interest to the Arctic was revived after V.V. Putin was elected in 2000 the RF President and this was observed against the sharp changes in the political and economic situation in the country. The underlying stimuli were the opening of large offshore hydrocarbon fields in the Arctic seas and global climate warming. From this time on when the interest to the Arctic was on the rise again the attitude of the Russian president and government to this region had changed enormously. Putin personally keep in the focus of his attention all Arctic issues. One of the strategic goals of the policy formulated by Putin is apparently the revival of the Russian Arctic, creation of own Arctic Shield understanding quite clearly that this would require construction anew of the great part of the Arctic infrastructure. This publication investigates in detail the steps of V.V. Putin taken for development of the Arctic ways. 

At present, existing institutions of global governance, such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, are increasingly unable to cope with the tasks entrusted to them. The question is about the need to create alternative tools. And the BRICS group, which has established itself as an organization with a fast-growing economy, a reformer of international relations, can become one of them. BRICS is today an international political organization of leading countries with developing economies. The growing economic power of participating countries, their place in the world economy, a large population and rich natural resources form the basis of their influence on the international arena. This association has all the possibilities for forming an agenda of international relations, in view of the fact that the countries of the "five" are participants of the G20 and the United Nations, and Russia and the PRC are permanent members of the UN Security Council. The article analyzes the Russian position in the BRICS. Its engagement with countries belonging to the international organization. The authors analyze the priorities that need to solve it. In order to maintain an effective dialogue at the international level. Marked prospects of BRICS countries in the current global system. It identified some of the fundamental long-term factors that contribute to the rapprochement of the States Parties. Showing positive trends of further cooperation between the countries included in this alliance.

Russia is now experiencing another crisis because of the situation with the West, so the BRICS for Russia is an attempt to take a worthy place in the system of international relations and use the association for the benefit of its own modernization of the economy.

Young people are the main engine of the processes taking place in the society of any country. The study of these processes is an important task of modern political science. The youth make up about a third of the population of Russia. The current viability and future of the country depends on how the problems of Russian youth are resolved. The demand for research is also dictated by the fact that from the perspective of the perspective, youth policy should be oriented towards receptivity to innovations and modernization of society, since this state policy in Russia does not have sufficient traditions and experience of effective functioning. The relevance of the topic of the article is determined by the constant problems of youth and the formation and implementation of youth policy. Now it is important to explore the political life of young people in modern conditions, to determine its content and forms, to compare the experience of the political life of the youth of Russia and other countries, to reveal the determinants of political youth activity; To analyze current trends in youth policy, to uncover trends and show perspectives and to suggest ways to improve it. The topic is in demand, and due to the fact that political life presupposes the participation of the population in various mass movements, socio-political organizations, mass actions, elections. This problem is especially acute for young people, who acquire "political maturity" by becoming voters. As youth policy is written a lot of research, which in varying degrees are considered the problems of youth. Experience of formation and development of youth policy in Europe is one of indicative examples for many countries of the world. Now the youth policy is allocated as the separate direction of state policy, and also institutes of civil society. 

Young people as a special age category and social group are the object of studying the complex of humanities — political science, sociology, political philosophy, political psychology, cultural studies, conflict studies, etc. The need for youth research is conditioned by the formation of an actual strategy and tactics of the state youth policy, which can contribute to the increase Effectiveness of the activities of political institutions, authorities and government, to promote the dynamic development of the state Society and society. Youth policy is one of the most important factors in the modernization of the state, therefore it is important to develop tools for measuring the parameters of the systemic change of society under the influence, with the participation of emerging, developing youth organizations.

The theme of the study of the problems of youth is important in connection with the activation of the use of technologies for the recruitment of youth into political organizations (party organizations), which strengthens the competitive struggle of various political forces for influencing the younger generation of citizens as potentially active citizens who are supporters or opponents of certain parties.

The urgency of the study is also conditioned by the processes of building the rule of law and the development of civil society institutions. This process is impossible without overcoming the political passivity, the apolitical nature of the younger generation. Youth organizations can become an important element. The political participation of the youth of Russian society is non-systemic, moreover, a significant part of the youth is politically inactive, indifferent to political changes. Studying the mechanisms for overcoming this state, increasing the involvement of young people in the political life of society is an important not only research, but also a practical task.

At the present stage of development, youth movements and organizations occupy a rather significant place in the political process. Every year the number of new organizations is growing. Young people, this is quite an impulsive mass, which is easily influenced by the authority of the leader, which impresses them. Young people, through accession to a youth organization, have the right and the opportunity to influence the political process. Youth movements and organizations are in direct relationship with the political system. Politics is not possible without properly motivated youth, youth movements and organizations, as well as the youth movement is not possible without politics, there is an important role of political organizations in the political arena.

This paper examines the problems of transformation of the youth policy of the ex-USSR countries in view of political developments in the post-Soviet region and in the world. It carried out a review of mechanisms of the implementation of the youth policy amid renewed values orientation structure of the younger generation of the post-Soviet countries. Historical account of formation of youth policy in certain select countries reviewed in this article. 

The article considers and gives the conditional periodization of the Russian-Ukrainian relations formation stages, which are characterized by the tenure of the presidents of Ukraine In this article, we consider and give a conditional periodization to the stages of the formation of Russian-Ukrainian relations, which are characterized by the tenure of the Ukrainian presidents. The actual continuity of their course towards Russia is noted. The preconditions for building relations between the two states on new principles after the collapse of the Soviet Union are indicated. The issues faced by states in the development of bilateral relations were examined: in particular, the Ukrainian leadership's vision of the country's foreign policy towards Russia and the post-Soviet space in general, namely, the desire to obtain economic benefits and preferences in trade with Russia, without any participation in integration projects and processes in the post-Soviet space supported by Russia . The problem of the Crimea and Sevastopol, the division of the Black Sea Fleet, its further status and the conditions for the stay of its Russian part on the territory of Ukraine, the gas problem, which characterized the bilateral relations throughout all periods of their existence, are also touched upon. Also, the role of external and internal factors influencing the dynamics of the development of relations, in particular, the issue of Ukraine's accession to the NATO, Ukraine's integration into the European Union and the Association Agreement with the EU, the signature of which was suspended by the Ukrainian authorities in Nov 2013, and that fact provoked the "Euromaydan" of 2013-14, and the subsequent change of power. The key documents determining the direction of development of bilateral relations, incl. the law "On the Basics of Domestic and Foreign Policy", the Military Doctrine of Ukraine are also mentioned, the prospects for the further development of Russian-Ukrainian relations at the present stage are also assessed. The author makes a conclusion that the bilateral relations in the near future are unlikely to demonstrate a dynamic towards normalization, especially taking into account the chosen course of the Ukrainian leadership to break ties with Russia in all spheres, as well as the official determining of Russia as a "military enemy" of Ukraine. 

The article deals with the current situation of the Crimean Tatars in Crimea after joining Russia. It is considered a number of decisions taken by Russia, which changed the life of this national minority. For example, according an official status to the Crimean-Tatar language or improving living conditions in Crimean Tatars-populated areas. The article highlights the creation of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Crimea. The author describes the renewal of the mass media in Crimea and the creation of the TV and Radio company Millet instead of the Ukrainian TV channel ATR. The author stresses the difference in the approaches of the Ukrainian and Russian authorities to the question of the deportation of the Crimean Tatars in 1944. The article touches upon the UN General Assembly resolution A / RES / 71/205, 19 December 2016. It is devoted to “Situation of human rights in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol (Ukraine)”. The author offers to get acquainted with the opinion of the Crimean Tatars, who live in Crimea at present, about their current situation after the reunification of Crimea and Sevastopol with Russia. It is analyzed the Ukrainian authorities’ policy on the Crimean Tatars. The author notes the negative effect of the Ukrainian authorities on radical feelings in Crimea. The process of forming these sentiments is considered in the article. The author notes the increased military activities by the illegal armed groups of the Crimean Tatars in the Ukrainian part of the Russian-Ukrainian state boundary. The article emphasizes the evaluation of the Crimean Tatars’ influence on security and stability on the peninsula, as well as the prospects of it. The author gives recommendations on the establishment of inter-ethnic relations, and notes that there is a potential for further development of inter-ethnic dialogue. The author concludes that the Crimean Tatars can act as a stabilizing and destabilizing factor. 

At present, the formation of a positive image of the armed forces of the Russian Federation among various social groups is necessary. Many citizens want to have a full understanding of the army, since this is one of the most important institutions of the state and the country's security directly depends on it. One of the most important components is the image of the armed forces in the youth environment, as in Russia there is a mixed recruitment of troops, and many servicemen carry out their service on conscription. The transformation of the information sphere into a system-forming factor in the life of a society that actively influences its state, development and security is in demand. Therefore, the information security aspect is rather difficult to overestimate. It is very important for our state, in the current conditions of information confrontation, to respond in a timely manner to the information activity of potential adversaries who may try to form a negative image of the Russian army, undermining its fighting capacity, authority, and people's trust. There is an urgent increase in the role of information and communication technologies in politics and the public sphere. In this regard, it becomes possible to more effectively form, introduce and develop the image of the Armed Forces in the minds of citizens. There is a proliferation of conflicting and diverse information about the army, which is often untrue. To change such activities, effective approaches are needed in the production and broadcasting of information on the Armed Forces, the use of various channels of communication to enhance the prestige of military service and trust in it. It is necessary to cover competently and professionally the activities of the Armed Forces in military conflicts. Effective information support of the army's participation in military operations (including media) reduces the potential of potential adversaries to discredit the Armed Forces. And the integral image of the Russian army in the international arena increases its strength in the eyes of the world community, positively influences the export of weapons to military cooperation. The article analyzes the changes in the image of the Russian army at the present stage of its functioning. Building on the achievements of the domestic Political Science in the field of political imageology, the author focuses on the some negative and positive of the factors and trends, creating an image of the Russian Armed Forces. Author give periodization of the transformation of the image the army. Presented strategic vectors to improve it.