The article deals with the role of hydrocarbon resources in the Mediterranean Sea. The discovery of oil and gas deposits in this region in recent decades has significantly increased its role in the energy security of Europe. Due to the transformation of the world energy map, the Mediterranean region has been the focus of attention of many European states. At the same time, a large number of projects on promising fields, as well as the laying of new oil and gas pipelines have been developed. The implementation of many pipeline projects can dramatically change the European gas market, which is of great interest to many countries In addition, the European gas market is under extreme pressure because of the supply of liquefied natural gas, and its volume is gradually increasing. This means that in the long term the development of hydrocarbon resources can significantly enhance the role of the Mediterranean and affect the development of the European oil and gas market.

On September 5, 2022 President V.V. Putin approved the Concept of Humanitarian Policy Abroad (hereinafter KGP-22). It reflects, on the one hand, macrosystemic transformations in the world, the dynamics of increasingly complex world political processes, a severe aggravation of ideological, informational and military-political confrontation, and, on the other hand, the creation of a stable basis for further building up economic, political, military and spiritual potentials of Russia and strengthening its role in the global humanitarian space. KGP22 is a long-awaited conceptual innovation, which in an updated form covers all components of the economy, social sphere, foreign policy and national security of the country. So far, humanitarian issues have not had such a pronounced centering form in Russia. KGP-22 became the first holistic profile document of strategic planning. It is characterized by the structural and problematic unification of the main conceptual blocks, with a specific highlighting of generalized provisions and positions that were previously divided in much shortened versions into various fundamental foreign policy documents.

The article analyzes the cooperation between China and Central Asian countries in the military and military-technical spheres which is developing dynamically lately and is of priority importance for China’s foreign policy. The growth of China’s national power and its correlation with foreign policy attitudes are revealed. In foreign policy China adheres to the policy of activating military diplomacy as an integral element of state policy. Traditionally, China is considered a key economic and investment partner of the Central Asian countries but against the background of global transformation processes it is also actively trying to position itself as a guarantor of regional security. The reasons for China’s interest in intensifying military cooperation with all countries of the region in bilateral and multilateral formats are revealed. China is striving to contribute to strengthening the defense capabilities of the countries of the region. In order to stop regional challenges and threats China is increasing arms supplies to the countries of the region, conducting joint military exercises and training military personnel from the countries of the region in its educational institutions. The article focuses on such multilateral mechanisms of China’s cooperation with Central Asian countries as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the “Quadrilateral Mechanism for Cooperation and Coordination” (QMCC). It is predicted that in the conditions of the formation of a new world order as well as the interest of the countries of the region themselves military cooperation between China and the countries of Central Asia will only increase.

The foreign policy of the Italian Republic is implemented in three key areas: European, Atlantic and Mediterranean. This article examines the European vector of Italian politics, the characteristic features of this direction and its evolution in the XX–XXI centuries. The Italian Republic has played a significant role in the process of European integration, taking an active part in all key initiatives of this process since the 1960s. In the second half of the XX — early XXI centuries european policy has become a tool for Italy to strengthen its own status in the international arena, and an active position in the integration processes is a way to stand on a par with the leaders of the European space. It is Europeanism, along with Atlanticism, that became the basis of the foreign policy concept of Italy in the second half of the XX century and determines the political image of the country and its position in the international arena. In this context, it is especially important that the foreign policy dimension of Italian politics is closely linked to the domestic political situation in the country. At the beginning of the XXI century, there are outbursts of euroscepticism in the country associated with the problem of migration and dissatisfaction with supranational authorities in times of crisis, such as COVID-19. Europeanism, however, remains a key dimension of the country’s foreign policy.

The article examines Turkey’s influence in the Central Asian region through educational policy in the context of the concept of “soft power”. In addition, Turkey’s interest in the development of the Central Asian region is demonstrated which is due to the fact of the Turkic peoples residing there. Turkey attaches great importance to forging relations with post-Soviet countries, in particularly in the field of education. The author addresses the usage of educational policy influence tools such as creation of lyceums and attracting applicants to Turkish universities. A major increase in quotas for foreign students, dual degree and exchange programs is stated. The author suggests algorithmic approaches to improve the image and increase Turkish education attractiveness through tourism and culture. As the result, the author determines the vectors of Turkey’s future development and draws conclusions on Turkey’s influence potential on the post-Soviet countries.

The article considers the problem of Russia’s positioning in the Western-centric world-system. The views of domestic and foreign researchers have been analyzed. It is shown that the constants for Russia are the position of the semi-periphery within the framework of the capitalist world-economy, the features of a land and transcontinental power, as well as an empire, which is characterized by integration imperatives that determine territorial expansion, taking into account the alternation of periods of integration and disintegration, which interact in various proportions with the processes of modernization. The external and internal political results of the cycles of Russian modernization in the context of correlation with the influence of the capitalist world-economy have been characterized. It is substantiated that modernization in Russia led to the most positive consequences when the state was least dependent on the Western-centric capitalist world-economy and strove for autarky and transformations based on the mobilization of internal resources (a conservative model of modernization), which contributed to the achievement of true sovereignty, raising the level of economic development, domestic political centralization and successful integration policy. Relevant recommendations and scenarios for the development of the situation in terms of the correlation of the waves of the Kondratiev cycles with the periods of reforms/counter-reforms in Russia, as well as the cycles of evolution of the world political and economic system with the peculiarities of the Russian political system and foreign policy have been presented. In this regard, two main scenarios for the prospects for interaction between Russia and the capitalist world-economy have been identified. The first scenario is based on the analysis of the correlation of Kondratiev cycles with periods of reforms/counter-reforms in Russia, and the second one is guided by the logic of complete cycles of evolution of the world political and economic system, which seems to be more reasonable.

Ongoing hostilities between Kiev and Moscow overturns the usual course of international relations in the post-Soviet space. It also forces political science to master related subject areas to figure out what is going on. A relatively stable frontline is one of this. This encourages discussing issues of military theory or recent military experiences. Highly likely new operational forms are emerging in the post-Soviet space, the comprehension of which is still a matter of an uncertain future.

The article considers the specific features of the system approach to the history of international relations and world politics. International relations are viewed as a single complex organism, which is greater than the sum of its parts. The freedom of actions of the states is limited by the frames of the system of international relations, the part of which they are. Each system has its spatial and temporal characteristics. In the period of the Early Modern Age the process of formation of the national states unrolls. In the XVII century The Thirty Years’ War became the largest event of the international life, at the end of which the Westphalian system of the international relations was born. In the XIX century after the victory over Napoleon the Vienna system of international relations develops. Both Westphalian and Vienna systems are European regional systems. The end of the World War I war resulted in formation of the Versailles-Washington world order, which was the first attempt to build the global system of the international relations. After the victory of the anti-Hitler coalition in the World War II the global bipolar Yalta-Potsdam system was built, which existed till the dissolution of the USSR. At the present moment the new system of international relation is developing, with polycentrism and diversity of actors as its’ specific features.