Since February 2022, the foreign policy of the Russian Federation has been carried out in a fundamentally new reality. Contradictions between Russia and Western states have escalated. The reason for the escalation is the policy of the West, which in the last decade has consistently taken steps aimed at changing the current system in the fi eld of maintaining global security and stability in international relations. The United States began to implement a course focused on preserving its dominant position in world politics and the economy. The political leadership of the United States strives to achieve these goals by putting pressure on their partners and geopolitical competitors, primarily Russia and China. Such US aspirations have provoked opposition from Russia, which has faced new challenges since March 2014 following the reunifi cation of Crimea with the Russian state. After that, the West radically revised its political course towards Russia and began to implement the sanctions policy. The pressure on Russia has led to growing tensions with the West, and more recently to open confrontation. The provocative measures taken to preserve the confl ict in the Donbass were supplemented by preparations for an armed confl ict between Ukraine and Russia. Moreover, the West purposefully pushed Kyiv to a military confl ict with the Russian Federation, which after February 2022 was forced to radically revise its approaches to foreign policy. The intensifi ed confrontation with the West has set the task for Russia to revise its foreign policy in many areas. In particular, Russia began to pursue a new energy and economic policy and to expand contacts with non-Western states. At the same time, geopolitical turbulence provides Russia with new opportunities. In the fi eld of international relations, the Russian Federation have a chance to reduce its dependence on the West, which for a long time acted as the main foreign policy partner. In this sense, Russia’s relations with non-Western states open up new opportunities for defending its geopolitical positions.

In recent years, the situation around the Black Sea region has sharply escalated. The interests’ confrontation between Black Sea countries and external actors has become apparent there. The development of the dangerous situation is greatly infl uenced by a politico-military factor which is a desire of the U.S. and the European Union to strengthen their presence in the region. The energy-related reason is the supply of Russia’s hydrocarbons through Turkey to the European market. At the same time, Turkey is actively implementing a policy of being a key player in the Black Sea region. In case it completes a project to build a new canal, which will not fall under the international legal regime of regulation of the Black Sea straits, the balance of powers in the region may change. Besides, after 2022, new supply chains between Black Sea countries began to form. New bilateral forms of interaction are emerging, and the nature of relations between Russia and Ukraine has changed dramatically. Western countries are openly involved in the confl ict between the two Black Sea states, supplying weapons and fi nancial aid to Ukraine. That complex of issues between Black Sea states and extra-regional countries increases tensions in the region.

The analysis of US policy in Central Asian countries through the prism of two phases of activity is presented. The fi rst surge of American geopolitical activity in Central Asia began with the US anti-terrorist campaign in Afghanistan that was launched in 2001. During that period the military and political positions of the United States in the region were significantly strengthened and the fi nancing of the political elites of the republics was increased. However, the acceleration of the processes of democratization and liberalization in the countries of the region negatively aff ected the character of relations between the United States and the ruling national elites. Russia’s return to the region as well as China’s growing economic infl uence minimized the degree of US involvement in regional processes. The decision of the American administration to withdraw the main contingent of troops from this country in 2014 undermined the authority of the United States and reduced their presence in the region. The second phase of activity began during the acute crisis of the entire system of international relations and the emerging contours of the new world order. The political and diplomatic activity of the United States in Central Asia noticeably intensifi ed, designed to slow down Russian and Chinese expansion and destroy the monopoly presence of Moscow and Beijing in the economy and military sphere of the countries of the region. It is proved that the United States began to pay more attention to the region with an emphasis on expanding the economic and military component of its foreign policy in Central Asia. Positioning itself as an alternative to cooperation with Russia and China Washington seeks to reduce the dependence of the countries of the region on Moscow and Beijing. It is concluded that the United States will continue to strive to strengthen its strategic positions in Central Asia, increase regional infl uence and displace its geopolitical rivals.

The authors of the paper examine the problem of the participation of post-Soviet Ukraine in the global grain trade basing on a critical analysis and using extensive statistical data. Grain crops have traditionally occupied the most important place in the agro-industrial complex of Ukraine. Ever since Soviet times, the image of the “all-Union granary” has been entrenched in it, which was especially actively exploited in the last years of the existence of the USSR by nationalist elements, becoming a program for them in the fi ght against Moscow. In fact, the Ukrainian SSR only until the early 1930s was the main base for the production of marketable grain in the USSR. Subsequently, larger grain bases were formed in the RSFSR and KazSSR. After the start of the Special Military Operation, the thesis about Ukrainian grain as a central element of global food security again became a popular narrative and was used against the Russian Federation as part of a global information campaign. This strategic disinformation was intended to infl uence Russia’s actions in the framework of the “grain deal”. The purpose of the study is to fi nd an answer to the question of the extent to which the positions of the Ukrainian side actually correspond to realities. Based on the results of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that the decisive role of Ukraine declared by offi cial Kiev and the West in the supply of grain to global markets is exaggerated. The bulk of the grain is not sent to those countries that are experiencing serious problems with hunger and are vitally dependent on Ukrainian supplies.

China’s steadily growing mineral resource requirements actualize its need to ensure continuous access to a reliable resource base. Central Asia with its ample fuel and energy raw materials, ore deposits, and renewables is viewed a viable option in this regard. The article provides analysis of the PRC’s current policy in each of the fi ve regional countries (Tajikistan Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan). It singles out both diff erences and similarities inherent in the policy conducted and studies the instruments through which it is being realized. Besides, the paper considers such policy’s implications for regional development as well as its place in the overall Chinese foreign strategy.

The article characterizes the place of Galicia in the political process of Spain and compares its regionalism with that of Catalonia and the Basque Country. Increased role of regional parties in the Spanish parliament and a high degree of inter-party competition make the issue topical. These conditions were created after the establishment of the left-wing PSOE — Unidas Podemos coalition government in 2020 between. The research was aimed at determining the characteristics refl ecting the position of Galicia and its parties in the renewed Spanish political landscape. In Galicia, which together with Catalonia and the Basque Country is one of the three “historical regions” of Spain, the popularity of nationalist forces has grown, as demonstrated by the autonomous elections of 2020. Meanwhile, nationalism in Galicia is not as widespread as in Catalonia or the Basque Country. It is explained by a mixture of historical and economic features that shaped Galicia’s development in the 20th century. The party system of the region is stable. The dominant player is the People’s Party (PP), which overwhelmingly won the local elections in 2012, 2016 and 2020. Galician parties, unlike the Catalan and the Basque forces, have extremely limited tools to infl uence the Spanish political process. However, after former Galician leader Alberto Feijoo became the head of the PP, regional agenda may receive additional support in Madrid.

The second part of the article is devoted to the consideration of two genres of Arctic fi lms — animal (faunal) and adventure. The basis for their implementation on the screen was Russian America, Alaska — the cinematic state of Hollywood, Chukotka and the Far North of Russia. The Arctic with its boundless snow-ice expanses and mythological obscurity forced its conquerors to seek and rely on a faithful friend — a dog — Siberian husky, husky, Alaskan malamute. As the polar explorer Robert Peary wrote, «life here is dog’s, but the work is worthy of a real person». Almost all the scripts of animal science fi lms are, borrowed from the literary works of the classics of the North — Jack London and James Curwood. Dogs and animals of the North have become full-fl edged actors of these fi lms. One of the pillars of the Arctic fi lms is adventures, including man’s struggle with the harsh nature of the Arctic, the formation of a new life for the indigenous peoples of the North, the search for missing expeditions and individuals — hunters, pilots, extreme athletes.