The article examines the approaches used by the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) member states to implementing the climate agenda. The EAEU countries are pursuing policies aimed at developing national climate strategies. Additionally, they are working on the formulation of common approaches for establishing a unified mechanism, which is to be created through the convergence and harmonization of national legislations. However, the approaches of the EAEU countries are significantly influenced by various factors, including substantial disparities in the economic potential of the member states and their independent economic policies. Furthermore, environmental challenges among the EAEU countries also impact the approaches of individual states within the integration association. The increased attention to the issue of climate change is explained by its growing negative impact on the socioeconomic development of various states and on international relations. Climate change adversely affects millions of lives in many countries worldwide. On a global scale, climate change is causing irreparable damage to the planet’s ecosystem. It affects a significant number of spheres and, primarily, issues related to water resources and food security. Consequently, climate change has become an integral part of world politics, increasingly influencing international relations. At the same time, the set of measures proposed by countries to minimize the negative impact of climate change has not been put into practice. This problem is fully evident within the EAEU as well. The article concludes that the EAEU countries must develop unified approaches that will reduce their impact on climate and thereby enable the fulfillment of the climate agenda’s goals. The tasks for the EAEU countries include implementing low-carbon projects and refraining from introducing trade barriers associated with climate regulation.

The article examines the principal instruments the European Union «soft power» in the Central Asian countries, also their role in advancing European values and in shaping and strengthening relations with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. The legal basis for the inception of cooperation between the European Union and the states of the region is the «Strategy for a New Partnership» adopted in 2007, which was lated updated in 2019. Partnership was further strengthened after the signing of a joint declaration following the «European Union-Central Asia» summit in 2025. In the current geopolitical environment, the EU’s interest in the region is driven by the growing strategic importance of the Central Asian states. The EU’s distinctive feature is its exclusive reliance on «soft power» to foster relationships. The principal instruments include humanitarian cooperation, cultural diplomacy, educational programs, support for civil society institutions, and the advancement of democratic values. The effectiveness of the tools has been assessed with results including students’ exchanges, the expansion of civil society and educational reform. This evaluation highlights the potential of «soft power» to develop long-term partnerships, support reforms in the region, and form a positive image of Europe. The research emphasizes the constraints faced by the European Union, including geopolitical rivalry from Russia, China and other actors, differences in cultural and political contexts, also limited resources for large-scale program implementation. Accordingly, the analysis has been carried out on the limitations to the EU’s «soft power» in Central Asia, which reduce the impact of European initiatives. The research stresses the necessity for a more flexible and adaptive approach that accounts for the specificities and priorities of the region’s countries. This approach would enable the EU to establish sustainable ties aligned with regional interests. In conclusion, it is emphasized that the effectiveness of soft power application depends on the EU’s strategically attitude in Central Asia. The article examines the most important instruments of European union soft power in Central Asian countries, such as humanitarian cooperation, cultural diplomacy, educational programs, support for civil society institutions and the promotion of democratic values. The European Union’s interest in this region is driven by the growing strategic importance of Central Asian countries in the current geopolitical environment. The effectiveness of these instruments in these countries has been assessed, resulting in student exchanges, the growth of civil society and education reforms. The analysis of the limitations of the EU’s soft power in Central Asian countries has been conducted.

The 2025 Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) between Iran and Russia offers significant potential to mitigate Western sanctions. This paper proposes a framework for effective implementation, emphasizing the need for unified coordination among governments, ministries, private sectors, and financial institutions in both nations. Key areas of focus include economic and trade linkages, financial systems, energy cooperation, and cultural and academic exchanges. To neutralize sanctions, Iran and Russia must harmonize procedures across trade, finance, and investment sectors. This includes standardizing cooperation frameworks, streamlining customs processes, and aligning national policies. Developing alternative financial systems, such as SPAM (System for Transfer of Financial Messages) and SPFs (Fast Payment System), is essential to bypass Western-dominated networks. Strengthening energy collaboration and trade ties, alongside fostering private sector involvement through joint ventures and innovation hubs, will enhance economic resilience. Promoting cultural and academic exchanges is crucial for building mutual trust and long-term cooperation. Regular monitoring and adaptability to changing geopolitical and economic conditions will ensure the CSP remains effective. Through some policies like reducing reliance on Western markets and creating robust economic systems, the CSP can bolster the economic resilience of both nations and serve as a model for strategic partnerships under sanctions. It is necessary to understand that the offered policies shall not work as temporary tools and depend on current international environment. Therefore, clear timing (schedule) shall be developed to target long term cooperation of Iran and Russia.

The Arctic is undergoing an unprecedented transformation in recorded history as a result, of anthropogenic climate change. This reality surprisingly compares in some respects with the speculative geoengineering ambitions imagined by Jules Verne in his 1889 novel, The Purchase of the North Pole. Verne’s science fictional premise was a deliberate effort to melt the frozen ice-covered Arctic region for industrial profit. This premise mirrors today’s accelerated rate of the melting of Arctic sea ice, which is primarily linked to a worldwide dependence on fossil fuel in their drive for economic development of their own country. Here, we briefly track the historical trajectory of the temperature of the atmosphere, the political inertia surrounding UNFCCC’s COP (Conference of Parties) attempts to limit if not reduce greenhouse gas emissions from various sources, and the foreseeable geopolitical constraints on international climate crisis negotiations to curb global warming. We also note the implications of various proposed geoengineering schemes for altering the existing global climate regime to counteract the adverse consequences of a foreseeable runaway global warming. It is not unreasonable to view the Arctic region’s loss of sea ice as a proverbial «canary in the coal mine», which means providing a stark warning of an impending disaster and in this case of global proportion. Although past generations have ignored earlier science-based signs of a possible continued atmospheric warming, societies today face an already critically narrowed window of opportunity to act to prevent its potentially irreversible adverse consequences.

The special military operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the antiRussian sanctions imposed by the European Union, in general, and Italy, in particular, including in the energy sector, have become a catalyst for structural transformations of logistics chains of hydrocarbon supplies to European markets. There is a clear trend among European countries to look for new sources of fossil fuel exports, which are still necessary to ensure the energy security of the EU member states. In particular, since Russia had until recently been a key partner of the Italian Republic in the energy field, the new reality has led to a rapid increase in Italy’s cooperation with many other hydrocarbon supplier countries, including Azerbaijan. Methodology: case study, correlation analysis, expert assessment method, comparative analysis, structural and functional analysis, traditional document analysis and factor analysis. Conclusions: the stability of the energy partnership development between the Italian and Azerbaijani Republics, despite the international agenda and the frequent change of Italian governments; the cooperation is carried out both at the interstate level and between the companies of the two countries; the imbalance in trade between the two states, as Azerbaijan supplies mainly energy resources to Italy, and Italian exports to the Transcaucasian republic are more diversified; Azerbaijani natural gas is gradually approaching the export potential of the Transcaucasian republic’s oil. 

The reputation of the state is one of the key factors for strengthening international cooperation and increasing international influence. This article examines the role of the reputational capital of the state in international relations, analyzes its definitions, methods of its assessment and its constituent elements. A positive reputation of the state can attract investment, migrants and contribute to the achievement of effective international cooperation. One of the criteria for comparison is the successful hosting of the 2014 Sochi Olympics and the 2022 Beijing Olympics, which not only increased the international prestige of Russia and China, but also brought these countries a certain number of additional benefits, such as economic growth and tourism development. The authors of the article rely on economic data from Sochi and the State Administration of Sport of China to analyze in detail the economic changes in both countries before and after the Olympics, thereby demonstrating the positive impact of the Olympic Games on national prestige. 

The article analyzes the problems of formation and implementation of humanitarian policy of Russia in contemporary geopolitical environment. The author conducts a critical analysis of systemic shortcomings of the current approach, highlighting three key problems: terminological uncertainty of basic concepts in regulatory documents, lack of clear and measurable target indicators in development strategies, as well as weak coordination between numerous subjects of humanitarian activity. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the fundamental contradiction between the universal nature of the humanitarian space, requiring universalistic approaches, and the nationally-oriented paradigm of the Russian humanitarian message. Based on the analysis of domestic experience and modern international practices, the author substantiates the concept of humanitarian policy as a system of targeted efforts to create a cross-border communication environment, implying a certain limitation of the principle of absolute sovereignty. The article presents recommendations aimed at optimizing Russia’s humanitarian policy, including proposals for terminological unification, development of measurable performance indicators and development of network forms of interaction. 

In the face of limited reciprocal engagement with Russia’s pro-­Western diplomatic efforts and mounting strategic pressure from the European Union and NATO in the post-­Soviet space, Russia has experienced a significant shift in its ideological paradigm. This article examines the ideological transformation embedded in Russia’s contemporary state development strategy, focusing on the evolution of Eurasianism from a theoretical discourse into a practical framework of state policy under Vladimir Putin’s administration. Domestically, this ideological project is grounded in a threefold critical reconstruction: a systematic critique of European radical individualism; a reassessment of the role of Mongol imperial governance traditions in shaping Russian statehood; and a genealogical analysis of Turanian civilizational elements that underscores the normative function of the Russian people’s subconscious philosophy in shaping modern social norms. Externally, Eurasianism promotes a paradigmatic shift in Russia’s geopolitical orientation — from maritime to continental — and advocates the construction of a regional economic and security community with Russia as a strategic hub, supported by the modernization of Eurasian transport corridors. Ultimately, this model seeks to challenge the US-led unipolar global order and foster the emergence of a multipolar world structure. The article argues that this process of intellectual borrowing and creative adaptation constitutes an ideological reconfiguration through which Russia is pursuing alternative pathways for development in response to contemporary modernization challenges.