The article is devoted to the advantages, risks and achievements of cooperation between the Russian integration project “Eurasian Economic Union” (EAEU) and the Chinese initiative “Silk Road Economic Belt” (SREB). The Eurasian space has a strategic importance for Russia and China, so the political leaders of these global powers decided to join together the EAEU and the SREB for the development, strengthening and expansion of cooperation in the field of economy. On the one hand, the interaction of the two integration projects opens wide opportunities for all participants: economic growth, technological modernization, creation of transport and logistics infrastructure. Russia and China share a common vision of the future foundations of the New World Order. In contrast to the Western model of the organization of international relations on the principle of unipolarity, Russia and China defend the model of a polycentric world order. On the other hand, there are problems that can cause competition between Russia and China. The problems of industrialization of the EAEU member-states, the possible competition between Russian and Chinese goods in the Eurasian market as well as in the field of industrial technology may appear. At the same time, it is important to understand that the interests of Russia and China largely coincide rather than diverge. The interests of both states are not only economic in nature but also related to Eurasian security issues. The first beneficial projects having been signed within the cooperation between EAEU and SREB aim at the development of transport infrastructure and financial assistance to the member-states. Considering the reverent attitude of the post-soviet states to national sovereignty the Chinese project looks the most attractive due to the absence of a supranational body. However, this fact does not exclude the possibility of getting the Central Asian states into excessive financial dependence on China. Meanwhile, the EAEU will help to balance China’s economic and political relations with the Central Asian states.

In the context of globalization the cooperation between the EAEU and the SREB could be the first step towards the creation of major international economic structure. Cooperation between the Russian and Chinese projects has enormous potential for effective mutually beneficial development and opens wide opportunities for the participating states. The cooperation of the two projects will strengthen the geopolitical position of Russia and China in Eurasia as opposed to the geopolitical activity of the United States.

The People’s Republic of China is increasing its influence around the world every day. It’s hard not to notice the aggressive economic expansion being carried out by China in the Asian region. Chinese presence is felt in Africa, South America and even in Europe. By engaging in a trade war with the United States, China thereby challenged the most influential economy in the world, which is confirmed by its ambitions as a world leader. To meet these ambitions, a powerful transport and logistics support is necessary, which gave rise to the “Belts and Ways” initiative. The initiative “One Belt - One Road” combines two projects: “The Economic Belt of the Silk Road” and “The Sea Silk Road of the XXI Century”. This means that, in addition to the traditional land routes of the Silk Road, Beijing is exploring the sea routes along the African continent and in the Pacific Ocean. Since the initiative does not have a clear strategy, the northern routes that have recently become relevant are also considered by the Chinese authorities.

The search for an alternative to the Suez Canal has repeatedly prompted researchers to use the Northern Sea Route as a trading artery linking Europe and Asia, but climatic conditions and technical capabilities did not allow this idea to be realized. The current situation in the Arctic region allows us to talk about new development prospects.

China is actively interested in the Arctic: since 2013, it has an observer status in the Arctic Council, has been increasing its presence in the region by organizing scientific expeditions, building icebreakers, introducing its own brand “Northern Silk Road”, and also investing in projects like “Yamal LNG». China outlined its presence in the Arctic region in a white paper published in January 2018. One of the main goals that Beijing sets for itself is multilateral cooperation in the development of the Northern Sea Route.

The author of the article analyzes the origins of such interest, as well as possible threats to Russia. The study also examines the position of European partners in the participation of the development of the SMP, bilateral relations with the Chinese side and the ratio of the strategy of the European Union, China and Russia in the High North. The author gives a geopolitical rationale for Chinese initiatives that are aimed at creating the conditions for intensive navigation in the northern areas.

The article deals with the process of formation of China’s Arctic policy and mechanisms for its implementation. Till the end of the 1990s, Beijing was not interested in the Arctic region because of its geographical remoteness from China, as well as because of the lack of the necessary scientific and technological basis. The economic reforms of 1972 and the establishment of the Arctic Council in 1996 gave an impetus to the development of China’s policy in the Arctic. Since then, China has intensified its activities aimed at expanding the state’s presence in the region. Special attention is given to China’s policy document in the region ― a white paper titled “China’s Arctic Policy”. It is noted that this document was aimed at legitimizing China’s activities in the region.

Despite the fact that the Arctic is not a priority region for Beijing, China is a prominent actor there. China’s attention to the Arctic is determined by economic factors, namely, by the possible development of the region’s resources, as well as its transport capacities, which can be used in the framework of the One Belt One Road Initiative.

The article analyses China’s cooperation with the «Arctic five» countries and the position of the Arctic States towards intensifying Beijing’s activities in the region. China is promoting cooperation with Norway, Denmark and Iceland. despite the existing contradictions, it is noted that the Arctic states are interested, as Chinese investments play an important role in the development of the region. China has consistently stated the need for greater involvement of interested non-regional states in the multilateral management of the region, while respecting the sovereignty of the Arctic countries.

The article analyzes key documents of the European Union (EU) related with its external policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as its practical implications. The Maastricht Treaty created bases for the common external policy of the European Union. The EU strategy towards Latin America is reflected in the Multiannual Indicative Regional Programme 2014-2020. The document states the progress achieved, continuing challenges, priority areas and amount of the financial aid.

Currently the joint summits between the European Union and the Community of Latin American and the Caribbean States (EU–CALAC) serve as a main dialogue field enabling cooperation between the two regions. The main areas of collaboration are: democracy and human rights, security, trade and investment, innovations and education, climate change. Apart the EU provides a significant financial support to Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) through sector programmes aimed at social and economic transformations in LAC. In order to encourage investment the parties established Latin American Investment Facility (LAIF). The European Union and the Caribbean Foundation (EU–LAC Fundation) serves as an additional tool to promote and strengthen strategic cooperation between the two regions.

Regional and sub regional markets development is one of the main aspects of integration, which is common in modern world. Integration process affects greatly global economic, trade, infrastructure and energy cooperation between the states.

Energy markets become less manageable, energy security global structure is also changing. EEU is a part of this trend, country-members of which is one of the world’s biggest energy regions. Union countries has already formed common customs territory, which allows to provide free finance flow and people’s movement. Mutual trade in 2017 increased by 19% compared to 2015 year. But there are few problems, which slow down integrational process. All country’s equal rights to affect decision — making on the one hand provide to smaller countries an ability to protect their interests, on the other — delay common decision making.

Common power market is important step forward to complex integration, which anticipated EEU common gas and oil markets. EEU energy sector operates common soviet-period infrastructure using unified standards. Creation of common power market will boost trade and economic cooperation between the EEU members. However, different energy potential, level of industry development, different schemes of EEU energy market operations complicate the whole EEU integration process.

The resource-sharing mechanism, which ensured sufficiency and reliability of energy supplies within the Central Asian energy system (CAES) collapsed soon after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Isolationist energy policies, both in terms of full self-reliance and self-control, without the establishment of self-sustaining independent energy systems, not only threatened security of energy supplies, but also, to a different extent, hampered the socio-economic development in Central Asia. In an attempt to mitigate the negative impact of the new energy policies, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) supported Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) was introduced as one of the key programs to ensure sustainable access of the population and economies to energy. One of the top priority areas has been strengthening regional cooperative dynamics in the energy sector. Primarily focusing on regional cooperation CAREC attempts to solve the problem of uneven distribution and seasonal variation of energy production in the region, assuming that this would lead to better standards of life and economic growth. This article aims to analyze the extent of contribution of CAREC energy initiatives to improve energy security and promote energy–led economic growth in Central Asia through regional energy projects.

After the collapse of the USSR Ukraine and Georgia began to develop their interstate relations actively. This development was facilitated by the political processes in each of the states, as well as the foreign policy pursued by Kiev and Tbilisi. Initially, countries focused on expanding interaction with Western countries, which were considered to be potential partners. Ukraine and Georgia were eager to develop the relations with the EU and NATO. In turn, European countries and the United States paid increased attention to Ukraine and Georgia.

The alignment of forces in each of the states contributed to the rapprochement of Kiev and Tbilisi. The political forces of both countries pursued a course of distancing from Russia and rapprochement with Western countries. As a result, Ukrainian-Georgian relations relied on similar political positions, which allowed countries to expand cooperation on a bilateral basis and within the framework of multilateral cooperation mechanisms.

In recent years Ukrainian-Georgian relations have been developing dynamically. Two states are pursuing a policy of joining NATO, expanding cooperation with the EU. Ukraine is interested in deepening cooperation with Tbilisi due to strained relations with Russia. In addition, Ukraine seeks to use the Western sanctions policy towards Russia to solve domestic political and socio-economic problems. Whereas, Western countries are interested in strengthening the Ukrainian-Georgian tandem hoping to use it in promotion of their interests in the post-Soviet space and in implementing policies towards Russia.

This article explores the prospects for the development of interstate Ukrainian-Georgian relations, which will reflect the political processes in the post-Soviet countries.

This article is devoted to the Romania’s policy towards Moldova which began to take shape soon after the dissolution of the Soviet Union of the USSR. The Moldovan vector of the Romanian foreign policy is based on the geopolitical “Great Romania” project, which implies the expansion of the borders of Romania, by uniting with neighboring Moldova. The article analyzes the main directions and features of the implementation of Romania’s foreign policy towards Moldova. The basic agreements concluded between countries are analyzed.

The main factors influencing the formation and implementation of Romanian foreign policy are identified. The role of the influence of the external factor on the Romania’s policy towards Moldova is investigated. Romania’s participation in the EU and NATO has a significant impact on the Romanian vector of foreign policy towards Moldova. The distribution of power was investigated both in the country and in neighboring Moldova. The positions of the political elites of Romania and Moldova are analyzed.

The characteristic features of the cultural identity of the peoples of both countries are investigated. An important direction in the policy of Romania in Moldova is the cultural and educational component. Its main goal is to expand the influence of Romania through the education of pro-Romanian-minded youth in Moldova, as well as through the formation of a positive image of Romania among various segments of the population, that supports its policies.

The article revolves around the Three Seas Initiative, a project launched in 2015 by the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Poland, aimed at the development of cooperation and international relations between its 12 member states in the sphere of energy, digitalization and transport. Special emphasis is put on the development of Croatia’s foreign policy in the energy sector within the aforementioned Initiative, which can be achieved through the country’s participation in the construction of an LNG terminal on the island of Krk in Croatia. Moreover, both positive and negative aspects of the Initiative are presented in the article, considering the fact it has attracted not only the attention of western EU countries, but also the United States and Russia. Croatia’s participation in the projects of the Three Seas Initiative as one of its founders is considered to be one of the biggest steps in the country’s recent foreign policy, and if successfully put into practice, the Initiative could provide Croatia an opportunity to strengthen its geopolitical position in Europe.

This article seeks to trace the reasons for the emergence of separatist sentiments in the European Union states, particularly in Belgium. The article gives its brief assessment of the current state of the issue mentioned and undertakes an analysis of the situation pertaining the Flemish region. Significant attention is being given to the consideration of the economic reasons for the existing disparities and positions of the major nationalistic parties of the region of Flanders. Ethnic and cultural factors continue to play a significant role in the political life of modern European states and often become a major point of contention. The author notes that ethno-political conflicts are quite common, but almost insoluble problems. The origins of such conflicts are usually grounded firmly in the history of resettlement and development of a particular nation or an ethnic group. Besides, they reflect the processes of the restructuring of the global political space and are typically accompanied by political and national self-identification crises. It is equally important to understand the importance of certain historic periods to a nation, inhabiting the specific territory of a state.

In the case of Belgium, the period of its formation, and the developments, contributing to the country’s independence in the 19th century, are directly related to the Flemish people’s national memory — a key factor needed to determine the specifics of the existing differences between the two regions. Over the centuries, one ethnic group has been suppressed by the neighboring one. It couldn’t not fully fulfil its cultural and economic potential.

The change of the status of the Flemings in Belgium in the 20th century, the equalization of both nations in their rights have failed to resolve all the contradictions existing for centuries. The traditional Flemish desire to promote and protect the region’s interests has generated separatist sentiments, which still make up a significant part of the country’s domestic political agenda. However, owing to the fragmentation of the nationalist groups and the lack of coherent policy among them, it is currently impossible to make a statement on the region’s secession.