Oil and cinema are nearly of the same age: they both appeared in the second half of the 19th century. Oil, and more precisely, oil money has created the movies industry. As a confirmation, take one of the first feature films — it was entitled “In the Kingdom of Oil and Millions.”
It was shot on the money of oilmen in 1916 in Azerbaijan — the country supplying oil to the
whole world. V. Mayakovsky wrote that if you believed in good future, this was because the
black dense oil from Baku was pumped into hearts of world capitals.
The oil industry developed hand-in-hand with the cinema industry. Today we cannot image the
world without both. In the present-day panorama of the world cinema oil has taken a special
place — it is not only a decoration, but a full-fledged «actor». In the recent decades “films —
hydrocarbons” have appeared in the world cinemas to respond to some accomplished historical
event related to oil discovery, or enormous technogenic disaster entailing serious environmental
implications. The role of oil can be comprehended only in the context of technological achievements in oil prospecting and oil production. Oil has technologized and commercialized the
film-making industry — the films collecting multimillion audiences and, accordingly, returning
the millions invested in their making. The oil industry will develop and flourish with the growth
of energy demand and, therefore, will grow the film-making industry and cinema business fed
by oil-earned money. Filmmakers, using the modern digital and computer technologies, have
succeeded to demonstrate on the screen in a catchy artistic form many aspects of the «oil rush»
in its retrospect.

The implementation of the PRC’s large-scale Belt and Road Initiative, which covers
several dozen countries, has been going on for several years and allows us to make some preliminary assessments of its impact on bilateral economic cooperation between Kazakhstan and
China. The article analyzes the dynamics of key indicators reflecting the main directions of this
cooperation (trade, mutual investments, external debt of Kazakhstan to the PRC) in the period
from 2013, when the Silk Road Economic Belt project was announced, until 2018.
An analysis of mutual trade between Kazakhstan and the PRC, as well as the main areas of investment cooperation, did not reveal a significant change in the volumes of the relevant parameters during the implementation of the initiative. Moreover, in almost all the considered areas, a
decrease in the intensity of cooperation is observed, which is especially noticeable when analyzing the dynamics of relative figures. The article examines the causes of these trends, examines
their international context, and also analyzes the differences in the Kazakh and Chinese data of
bilateral cooperation.

In the last decade, the geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region is changing rapidly.
The Black Sea states become members of various organizations, and new pipeline projects are
being implemented, which create a new framework for interstate relations. An active policy is
carried out by Western countries, which seek to establish themselves on the Black Sea as the
dominant force. These processes occur against the background of domestic political changes
in the countries of the region, which has a direct impact on bilateral relations both between the
Black Sea states and their level of cooperation with extraregional actors.
Russia’s relations with a number of Black Sea states are emerging in a new way. In recent years,
the nature of interstate relations with Ukraine has changed dramatically. Kiev set a course
for the aggravation of bilateral Russian-Ukrainian relations by defiantly expanding its foreign
policy towards the West. The Crimea’s joining Russia as well as issues related to the Crimean-Tatar population are constantly raised by the Ukrainian side. Kiev deliberately provokes
aggravation of relations in the Black Sea by relying on political and informational support from
the EU and the USA.
Despite the difficult international conditions, Russia managed to build a balanced policy towards
Turkey. Energy cooperation, trade and economic cooperation and regional security issues are
important components of the Russian policy towards Turkey. At the same time, the Russian side
must take into account the discrepancy between the interests of the two countries in the Black
Sea region, and Ankara’s desire to use relations with Kiev and other Black Sea states to promote
its long-term interests.
The Russian foreign policy has achieved some success in maintaining the country’s position in
the Black Sea region. Russian interests are based on the military-political potential, as well as
economic mechanisms. Russian policy is aimed at minimizing the negative effects of influence
in the region of Western states, and expanding political and economic cooperation with the Black
Sea countries.
However, the Russian side has failed to achieve a radical change in the improvement of relations with Bulgaria, which is a member of the EU and NATO. There are difficulties in the political dialogue with Romania, as well. Domestic political events in those countries, and their desire to follow Western countries and plans to join NATO have a strong influence on relations with Georgia and Ukraine. Nevertheless, the positions formed by Russia allow us to count on the protection of its interests and the preservation of influence in the Black Sea region.

Until lately economic relations of Caspian littoral states were mainly developed on bilateral basis. Level of five-lateral cooperation evidently because of various reasons didn’t match
the intensity in political dialogue and dynamics of communication in different other segments.
Focus on oil and gas sector and aspiration for separation were dominating. Still possible formats
of All-Caspian interaction have been discussed since the Second Caspian Summit 2007. While
experience of successful co-working and mutual trust were growing, with new priorities in economic development set (first of all - transport and infrastructure) the Caspian Littoral States started seeking for a suitable common platform. A new chapter for the “Caspian Five” in this segment
was open with the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea signed at the highest level
in August 2018, as well as intergovermental Agreements on cooperation in trade, economic and
transport fields. Decision to organize the first Caspian Economic Forum in Turkmenistan on August, 12 this year under participation of governments’ members and business delegations of the
littoral states is significant. Cooperation in this format can bring a good synergy.

The article analyzes the provisions of the new Convention on the legal status of the
Caspian sea in 2018.It shows all the new novels, which are the fruit of more than 20 negotiations
of representatives of the presidents of the Caspian States. The article identifies all the positive aspects of the Convention, as well as its shortcomings. The author, in General, positively assessed
the efforts of the Caspian States to coordinate the «Constitution» of the Caspian sea, indicated
that its adoption will have a charitable value in the life of the States surrounding the Caspian sea.

Russia is one of the influential participants in the technical and political process of Iranian nuclear programme. Russian-Iranian relations in the nuclear field have been developing for
a long time. The article discusses the factors that determine Russia’s approaches to cooperation
with Iran on the nuclear issue. Moscow’s policy takes into account the nature of bilateral Russian-Iranian relations, as well as the development of global processes. The position of Russia on
the further implementation of the Iranian nuclear programme is being considered in accordance
with the agreements reached within the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and taking
into account the change in the position of the United States.
Russia and Iran have to take into account foreign factors. This is the sanctions policy of Western
countries for Russia and moreover it has been constantly intensifying since 2014. The events in
Crimea, which led to its entry into Russia, were the main reason for the revision of the relations
between the West and Russia. In turn, Iran has uneasy relationships with adjacent states. It was
not so easy to build relationships with Western countries. The American’s revision of its policy
on Iran’s atomic programme violated the current balance of Tehran’s relations with the West,
which could lead to a further development of relations between Iran and Russia. Russian-Iranian
cooperation is based on the mutual interests of the two countries including their internal political
development and political processes in the modern world.

This article focuses on the relationship of Syria and Turkey in the field of water resources. The author studies the chronology of the development of relations between Syria and
Turkey on the stated issues, historical background and causes of conflict situations. The positions
of Syria, Turkey and Iraq on the current controversial situations related to the use of shared water resources are analyzed. The author focuses on the vital importance of water resources for the
economy and national security of Syria. The role of regional integration associations in resolving
conflict situations on the stated issues is revealed.

The problem of church dissidence on Ukraine in focus of geopolitical processes is examined in the article. An author marks that confessional constituent of the armed capture of state
power with subsequent escalation of the armed opposition on the southeast of Ukraine — result
of introduction carefully thought out and long-term strategem of geopolitics of the West. Thus
fragmentation of space of the Russian world, non-admission of political, economic and cultural co-operation of east slavs people, etnokonfessional «cleaning» of Ukrainian space with the
subsequent converting of Ukraine into a colonial-buffer area between the West and Russia, area,
which will be frankly hostile the Russian world and will be controlled euro-atlantic structures
comes forward a primary objective. In a fight against canonical Orthodoxy on Ukraine the geopolitical opponents of the Russian world are involve the followings mechanisms: unprecedented
political pressure, to the repression in regard to the adherents of Moscow Patriarchy, creation of
atmosphere of fear and religious intolerance; numerous destructions of orthodox temples during
a punitive operation on a southeast, power captures by the extremists of orthodox cult buildings
westering, in a center and on east of Ukraine; forcing at direct support of government of Ukraine
of processes on creation of independent «pomestnoy church» with uttery nationalistic ideology;
attempts of incorporation in the number of orthodox svyaschennosluzhiteley of Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Moscow Patriarchy of supporters of conception of religious championship of
Kiev and historical seniority of the Ukrainian people in relation to Russian. An author comes to
the conclusion, that presently on Ukraine and on the whole in an international association the
people of healthy will, representatives of all traditional confessions in defence of sound titles and
freedoms of believers, must unite.