iIn recent decades, Central Asian states have become participants in various projects of international transport corridors. For the countries of the region, such projects are of significant interest, as they make it possible to overcome geographical remoteness from the main markets. Most of the logistical projects have been initiated by non-regional actors, which in turn are highly interested in Central Asia. The development and promotion of transport corridors have been determined primarily by long-term economic motives. For non-regional players, primarily the United States, the EU, China and Turkey, the major task has been to maintain the Central Asian states in the sphere of their interests. In recent years, international transport corridors have been supplemented by bilateral and multilateral mechanisms initiated by non-regional actors. They are aimed at forming sustainable political and economic relations with the Central Asian states. For regional countries, participation in international transport corridors provides an opportunity to receive revenues from the transit of goods passing through the region, and at the same time opens up new opportunities for organizing the export of their own products to foreign markets. In particular, the article provides an overview of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route. In addition to other logistical routes, this project attracts the attention of the EU and China, which expect to increase the supply of goods through it. A new direction in the policy of non-regional states towards Central Asia is gaining access to deposits of rare earth metals. A big role in the implementation of projects related to the development of deposits of rare earth metals and their export from the region is assigned to transport communications coming from the countries of Central Asia.

The article analyzes security issues in the relations between Russia and Norway in 2000–2022. The relevance of the topic is attributed to the importance of Norway for the Russian foreign policy, the significant role of Norway in the Arctic, as well as the current militarization with the increasing influence of external actors on regional military security. The purpose of the study is to assess the changing role of military security in the bilateral relations. When it comes to the methodology, the author relies on the methods of comparative and critical analysis, content analysis, historical method, and a systematic approach. The plan of the research includes an analysis of Norway’s strategic position and the factors behind its approach to maintaining national and regional security; fundamentals of Russia’s military activities in the Russian Arctic zone; the reasons and significance of strengthening Russia’s military potential in the Arctic; bilateral cooperation in the military sphere. The author notes that Norwegian military planning is largely determined by NATO policy and the Alliance’s relations with Russia. Amid the aggravation of the dialogue between Russia and the collective West after The Five-Day War in Georgia, and the escalation of the Ukrainian conflict, Russia became perceived by the Norwegian authorities as a threat to national security. The change in the Norwegian approach, in particular, expressed in the desire to strengthen the role of NATO in the region, led to the curtailment of all programs of military cooperation with Russia and provoked the strengthening of the Russian military presence in the Arctic. In conclusion, the author notes that, despite the rather developed military cooperation until 2014, amid the global security crisis, a return to the pre-crisis level of mutual understanding in the military sphere is unlikely.

The article studies the current problems of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Arctic in the context of global warming. The main existing threats include both food and infrastructure issues, as well as problems of economic activity and health care. Against the background of global warming associated with an increase in the average annual temperature, there is a high probability that the above problems will only intensify and significantly affect all life support systems of the indigenous peoples of the Russian Arctic. Special attention is given to existing public and private initiatives, as well as proposed methods of adaptation and mitigation of the effects of global warming on indigenous peoples, including support for traditional knowledge and practices, sustainable use of natural resources and infrastructure improvements.

: In recent years, the world has witnessed significant geopolitical shifts, with the crisis in Ukraine becoming a key event influencing global relations. Africa, as an important element of the “Global South,” has become a central arena for great power competition and geopolitical maneuvers. After the end of the Cold War, Russia-Africa relations experienced a low point when Russia withdrew from Africa, followed by a period of slow recovery and rapid development. Since the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2022, these relations have entered a period of “strategic horizontality,” characterized by high-level interactions, food cooperation, military and security cooperation, and energy cooperation reaching new heights. The new phase of Russia-Africa relations is the result of increasing alignment of the needs and interests of both Russia and Africa. Russia-Africa military and security cooperation is challenging the Western presence in Africa, but Russia still faces disadvantages in economic cooperation, institutionalization, and countering “hybrid warfare” with the West. The further development of Russia-Africa relations is on the rise, with both sides continuing to strengthen cooperation in various fields. This article examines the evolutionary dynamics of Russia-Africa relations, especially in the context of the ongoing Ukraine crisis, and analyzes the strategic, economic, and political implications for both regions.

The article is devoted to the study of Russia’s foreign policy and Turkey’s neo-Ottomanism during the Second Karabakh War, which lasted from September 27, 2020 to November 10, 2020. The author focuses on the events of autumn 2020 as a turning point in the long-term ethnopolitical and territorial conflict in the South Caucasus. The main attention dedicated to determining the factors influencing the positions taken by Russia and Turkey in the conflict, as the main external arbitrators and key regional players, as well as the consequences of the actions taken. The main reasons for Turkey’s active support of Azerbaijan are the conceptual foundations of neo-Ottomanism in combination with elements of pan-Turkism and the Muslim aspect, implying a desire for regional leadership in the South Caucasus and expanding its access to the Turkic world. Author identified the factors that influenced the absence of direct Russian intervention in the course of the war on the side of Armenia. (Maintaining the status quo of the conflict as the most acceptable for maintaining security in the region; agreeing with Azerbaijan’s legally justified claims to the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh from the point of view of international law; the importance of maintaining stable relations with Erdogan’s Turkey). Noteworthy the six-week war has changed the configuration of forces in the region. It led to the transformation of the poles of influence in the South Caucasus. Turkey has significantly strengthened its position as a regional factor, while Russia, on the contrary, has faced challenges and pro-Western development vectors among the former USSR countries.

The article considers the evolution of the state confessional policy in Russia. It explores the genesis of the state religious policy in the period of existence of the multi-confessional Russian Empire, highlights the special features of the religious politics and atheistic propaganda in the USSR, the transformation of the state confessional policy during the years of perestroika and after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The features of the religious renaissance on the post-Soviet space are being observed as well as the process of formation of the contemporary model of the state confessional policy in Russia. Special attention is paid to the development of the legal base for interaction of the state authorities and religious confessions and to the state structures which provide communication with religious organizations. The main areas of co-operation of the state with the traditional religions of Russia are being explored. Special attention is paid to the activities of the Interreligious Council of Russia and of the Interreligious Council of the CIS.