The article examines the evolution of China’s policy towards the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Amid growing contradictions in global politics and worsening economic problems, expanding cooperation with the integration association was in Beijing’s interests. Like Russia, China needed additional measures to support its economic development. In this context, the research analyzes China’s position on the integration bloc, which was of significant interest in advancing Chinese economic goals. Special attention is paid to reviewing the key documents that formed the basis for Beijing’s subsequent interaction with the EAEU. China’s policy concerning the association reveals the multi-layered nature of its relations. Beijing pursues a policy regarding the EAEU as a group while simultaneously implementing a course towards expanding ties with individual member countries. Beijing focuses primarily on Moscow, the most economically developed member of the format. It is highlighted that China used Russia’s interest in gaining additional opportunities to address the economic problems that arose following the imposition of Western sanctions. The research concludes that for Russia, which has been under Western restrictions since 2014, expanding cooperation between the integration association and China has acquired particular significance. Ultimately, Beijing has achieved its stated objectives, broadening ties both with the EAEU and with its individual members. The article uses a systems analysis to reveal China’s policy towards the EAEU.

This article examines the history, key forms, and structural characteristics of Sino-Ukrainian agricultural cooperation. It also analyzes how domestic political changes in Ukraine and the regional geopolitical situation have affected bilateral agricultural relations. The study draws on intergovernmental agreements, corporate investment projects, and agricultural trade data between the two countries for the period 2009–2025. The authors identify three stages of cooperation: formation of the institutional framework (2009–2013); expansion of investment and trade (2014–2021); overcoming crisis consequences and partial recovery (2022–2025). Ukraine has become a major supplier of agricultural products to the Chinese market, particularly corn and barley. However, the political changes of 2014 stalled the implementation of several projects. Furthermore, the escalation of the conflict in 2022, followed by China’s adjustment of its grain import structure, led to a sharp and prolonged decline in Ukrainian agricultural exports to China. In 2024–2025, the two sides resumed dialogue: they signed new phytosanitary (quarantine) agreements and held meetings of the Subcommittee on Agricultural Cooperation. Ukraine’s rich black soil (chernozem) resources, on the one hand, and China’s technological advantages and market demand, on the other, create a natural foundation for mutually beneficial cooperation. Nevertheless, the stability of this cooperation is constrained by Ukraine’s land policy and the geopolitical situation. Further development will depend on postconflict restoration of logistics infrastructure, the consistency of Ukraine’s agricultural policy, and whether China adjusts its food import diversification strategy.

The article is devoted to the theoretical and methodological analysis of the transformation of the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the South Caucasus during 1991–2025. The relevance is determined by the need to understand long-term trends in Iranian diplomacy amid radical changes in the regional balance of power after the Second Karabakh War of 2020, the weakening of Russia’s positions, the strengthening of Turkey and Azerbaijan, and active Western involvement in regional affairs. Based on chronological and comparative analysis, three key stages of evolution are identified: ideological enthusiasm in the post-Soviet period (1990s), formation and refinement of the hybrid model (2001–2020), and forced adaptation to new realities after 2020.
It is shown that permanent factors include protection of territorial integrity from pan-Turkism, ensuring the North–South corridor, and countering Western influence, while variable factors (sanctions, shifts in regional configuration, domestic political changes in Armenia and Azerbaijan) force Tehran to constantly adjust its toolkit.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the potential and limitations of applying artificial intelligence (AI) technologies in the economic policy of post-Soviet countries from 2019 to 2025. The author examines AI as a strategic tool for macroeconomic regulation capable of optimizing fiscal administration, forecasting and risk management. The study examines the transition of post-Soviet economies from fragmented digitalization to systemic strategic planning enshrined in national AI development concepts and strategies. Particular attention is paid to practical cases of technology implementation in the public sector and finance, as well as the impact of AI on increasing tax collection and business processes’ transformation.The study identified significant barriers hindering the realization of the region’s technological potential: a shortage of skilled personnel, an infrastructure gap between the centers and the periphery, and technological dependence on imported components and equipment. It is proved that the introduction of AI leads to employment polarization and the risk of increasing structural unemployment in sectors with a predominance of routine labor. The author concludes that a comprehensive approach is needed, combining investments in sovereign data infrastructure with human capital development and improved regulatory frameworks. The study’s findings can be used to complement and refine national digital development policies and minimize the social risks of automation.

The article analyzes the influence of contemporary American isolationism on Russia’s foreign economic strategy. The relevance of the study is determined by the transformation of US foreign policy after the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, when Washington shifted from liberal internationalism to a selective model of global engagement that combines the rejection of direct military commitments with the instrumentalisation of economic institutions. The aim of the article is to identify the mechanisms through which American isolationism affects the Russian economy and to show how sanctions pressure has led to a structural restructuring of Russia’s financial system, industry and energy exports. The methodological basis of the research includes the institutional approach and the case study method. The authors draw on official documents (U.S. national security strategies, Russian foreign policy concepts), statistical data from central banks and international organizations, as well as sector specific analytics. The study finds that American isolationism does not mean an even reduction of the US global presence, but rather a concentration of resources on containing key competitors, including Russia. Sanctions, denial of access to financial infrastructure and technological restrictions have forced Russia to accelerate the creation of parallel payment systems (SPFS, digital ruble), de dollarise its reserves, reorient energy flows towards Asia and develop sanctions-evasion mechanisms through the EAEU. The study showed that American isolationism, paradoxically, accelerates the disintegration of universal institutional monocentrism and contributes to the formation of competing systems of global governance. Russia, being at the forefront of this process, is becoming one of the active subjects of institutional design, and its cooperation with BRICS and the Global South is acquiring systemic importance for the future world order.

This article analyzes the main events in Moldova’s domestic political life from 2020 to 2025. The author demonstrates that the events of this period are largely a continuation of the evolution of the Moldovan political system in the post-Soviet period, in which identity issues and the influence of geopolitical factors played a significant role. At the same time, it is noted that since the accession of M. Sandu to the presidency, domestic political processes have acquired a number of new characteristics. In particular, it is stated that the transformation of Chisinau’s domestic policy after M. Sandu’s arrival as president of the country is characterized by increased geopoliticization of domestic political life and pressure on the opposition, anti-Russian rhetoric and actions of the authorities, monopolization of the media field and humanitarian policy. The article analyzes the administrative resources used by the authorities during the elections, the role of the collective West as an external factor actively influencing the election results, and the diaspora factor and its electoral significance in Moldova’s political life. The author draws conclusions regarding key trends in Moldova’s domestic political life, which were most clearly evident during the presidential and parliamentary election campaigns, and their potential impact on the further evolution of Moldova’s political system.